Dr Lennart Schürmann researches forms of political protest. Most recently, he was a first-hand witness to the demonstrations held at the elite American university, Harvard. In this interview, the alumnus of the Faculty of Economics and Social Sciences describes the types of protest that benefit a democracy and those that undermine it.
Interviewer: Eva Schissler
Dr Schürmann, you returned to Germany this summer after completing a postdoctoral fellowship at Harvard University. Did your return have anything to do with the political situation there?
I arrived in the US a week before Trump’s inauguration. Initially, I was considering a longer stay. Harvard is quite inspiring and impressive, not just because of its architecture, but also because of the open mentality of the people there. Even the most famous professors, who have shaped entire fields of research, will simply meet you for coffee.
At the end of my six-month stay in July, I had the opportunity to extend for another year. But after everything that had happened, my partner and I decided to return to Germany. She is a sociologist and was visiting MIT (the Massachusetts Institute of Technology) while I was at Harvard. I focus on protests, whereas she focuses on diversity. These are topics that are pretty high up on the Trump administration’s hit list. After my visa was first cancelled and then confirmed by the courts, we decided to return to Europe in the summer.
Where does your interest in political protest come from?
I studied political science in Cologne. After completing my Bachelor’s degree, I moved to Frankfurt am Main and spent a semester abroad in Paris during my Master’s programme. There were huge protests against Macron’s government at the time. I was fascinated by how orderly and calm protests in Germany are in comparison. In France, Bengalo flares are set off, smoke is everywhere and people climb on cars, while the police just stand by and watch. Since then, I have travelled to various countries and have always been interested in observing their respective protest cultures. During my own involvement in protests at that time, I also asked myself the question: Is there any point in people taking to the streets?
To research the influence of protests on political decision-makers for my doctorate, I returned to the Cologne Center for Comparative Politics. Since then, I have broadened my view of the influence of protests on public opinion. I am also interested in the question of when protest becomes violent.
What functions do protests fulfil?
Protest and freedom of expression are fundamental parts of functioning democracies. Protest is productive: it makes demands visible, exposes grievances, and brings about political change. This can change a society for the better if changes through established political channels do not succeed or do not succeed quickly enough. A current example of this is the fight against climate change.
At the same time, protests can escalate in various ways. These range from traditional demonstrations to more confrontational forms operating in a legal grey zone. These include street blockades, which we might categorize as civil disobedience. Then there is the escalation of political violence against objects, with protesters setting cars on fire or spraying graffiti on houses. The most extreme form is political violence against people. This progression is what the term radicalization means in my research. While the first two forms are conducive to democracy, violent forms of protest can undermine democracies.
Are we living in an era of increasingly radical protests?
Today, the prevailing view is that protests are radicalizing and polarizing society. However, I have encountered various forms of protest on different topics over time. The 1990s were much more radical. Houses were set on fire and people were attacked — it was terrible. In contrast, the current situation in Germany is quite moderate. If we look at it from a long-term perspective, therefore, we can better understand the present.
I am interested in the following questions: What causes a protest to remain peaceful and what causes it to tip, becoming more confrontational or violent? How do politicians, the media and society react in each case? At the moment, I have the impression that peaceful, moderate protests are being categorized as problematic and radical by some media outlets and politicians, particularly in the US, even though they are not.
What was your experience of the protests at Harvard and the government’s reaction to them?
American universities have a long tradition of protest, from the civil rights movement and anti-Vietnam War protests to today’s Black Lives Matter and Middle East protests. However, political actors close to Trump are criminalizing protests at universities across the board, under the pretext of combating antisemitism. Antisemitism certainly exists, including at universities, but the fight against it is currently being used to suppress protest in general.
I have taken part in many protests myself out of scientific interest. At one point, Trump posted on Truth Social that foreigners participating in illegal campus protests would be expelled from the country. This was in reference to the Israel-Palestine protests. However, at every protest, regardless of the topic, there is always someone carrying the Palestinian flag. It’s just a topic that is on people’s minds. But does that automatically equate to antisemitism? Since then, I have certainly thought twice before taking part in protests. They are essential for my research, but I also ran the risk of being expelled from the country. In the US, there are cameras everywhere, supposedly for security purposes. So it is likely that there could some video footage of me. My social media accounts could also be searched for evidence of my protest activities.
Is this changing the culture at American universities?
Despite universities being places where free expression and exchange are supposed to flourish, the climate feels very intimidating. If you are considering entering the US, think twice about what you post online. I found myself censoring what I posted on social media and taking part in protests less often. It was frightening to see how effective self-censorship was even in my own peer group.
The No Kings movement was formed in response to political developments during Trump’s second term in office, with more than five million people across the country taking to the streets on 14 June for a day of action. What do you think of that protest?
Even before No Kings, there were hands-off protests in early April. Such large-scale, nationwide events send a strong message and bring people together. However, protests in the US are often informal and issue-specific, and fail to form lasting political organizations. In previous years, the Black Lives Matter movement also brought many people onto the streets, but you don’t hear much about it now. This is certainly due in part to the difficulty of establishing a long-term political organization out of a protest movement. I wonder if the No Kings movement will succeed. The Democratic Party, which has historically embraced many of these protest movements, doesn’t seem to be channelling that energy very well at the moment.
Would you actively participate in a protest movement yourself?
As a scientist, I would say that first, we have to define what a protest movement actually is. What does it mean to join one? Does participating in a demonstration make you part of the movement? I would say it doesn’t. That is political participation. Being part of the movement would also mean making a permanent organizational commitment. I often go to protests, but I don’t organize them. I have supported some protests by sharing my knowledge, but in that case, I am acting more as a scientist than an activist.
After completing his doctorate in Cologne, Dr Lennart Schürmann spent time researching in Germany, the Netherlands, Spain and the US. He is currently researching on protest and radicalization at the WZB Berlin Social Science Center and the Freie Universität Berlin. Since in September, he is also a Max Weber Fellow at the European University Institute in Florence.